By Stephen Laurence
Greenville

Some five years ago, in the days leading up to our invasion of Iraq, a local peace advocate carried a sign outside Greenville’s federal building asking “Are we what we say we are?” as a nation. More recently — about a week ago, in fact — a former U.S. House Speaker implored public radio listeners to carefully consider the relationship between our rhetoric and our actions.

An ongoing debate about the acceptability of torture as an interrogation technique has led to passage of the Intelligence Authorization Act, with a provision that bans torture through its reference to the U.S. Army Field Manual. Regrettably, Sen. Lindsey Graham opposed use of this standard for civilian intelligence gathering; Sen. Jim DeMint voted against the final legislation; and President George Bush threatens to veto it.

While we often boast of being the most democratic and most pious of nations, the rest of the world watches our actions and recognizes the frequent hypocrisy between what we say and what we do. Abu Ghraib is one example. The high civilian casualty count in Iraq is another. Guantanamo is yet another. And now we have representatives of the United States, including the “leader of the free world,” condoning torture — albeit couched in more acceptable language — with the ultimate outcome of the issue being uncertain.

Torture is completely indefensible on moral and ethical grounds. Most faith communities specifically condemn inhumane acts toward others. The New Testament of the Christian Bible quotes Jesus calling on us to love our enemies and to do unto others as we would have them do unto us. The United States has been party to the Geneva Conventions since their inception in 1864. And our “greatest generation” punished enemy soldiers and officers found guilty of torture during World War II.

The Army Field Manual, as revised in September 2006, states “Any inhumane treatment — including abusive practices, torture, or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment as defined in US law, including the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005 — is prohibited” and that interrogation “must include specific safeguards…”

Torture is not reasonably defended on practical grounds. Veteran interrogators typically dismiss the “ticking bomb” scenario — in which an alleged terrorist is tortured “when moments count” — as a waste of valuable time, and even as a source of dangerous misinformation. Quoting again from the Army Field Manual: “Beyond being impermissible, these unlawful and unauthorized forms of treatment are unproductive because they may yield unreliable results, damage subsequent collection efforts, and result in extremely negative consequences at national and international levels.”

Both Graham and Sen. John McCain have previously warned that perceived allowances for torture by this country could legitimize reciprocal inhumane acts on Americans. Yet McCain joined 44 other senators in voting against the Intelligence Authorization Act. (As it happens, Graham did not vote.) And since the president has so far promised to veto the bill, there comes the question of whether enough support exists in Congress to override his rejection.

In response to this moral crisis, the South Carolina Christian Action Council, a statewide partnership of some 16 denominations with over 4,500 congregations and over 1 million members, passed a resolution in late January to “Stop U.S. Sponsored Torture.” The Council calls on members and citizens to contact their representatives in Congress and urge them to act on “one of the foundational principles of a modern democratic society” to protect “the individual from the arbitrary power of the state,” and “stop this country from using torture.”

Back in 2002, Arun Gandhi, grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, visited Furman University. A friend asked him how we might best persuade our politicians to reflect our own concerns about war and peace in the world. Gandhi took my friend somewhat aback when he answered that, in fact, our politicians are already a reflection of the society that puts them there.

Does torture truly reflect the nation that we are, and that we wish to be? I pray not. And I urge you to contact Sens. Graham and DeMint, and Rep. Bob Inglis. Ask that they uphold the principles this country has long claimed, and vote against torture — vote against our inhumanity toward others — by overriding any such veto by President Bush.