On Saturday, the Network’s board and key allies met in Columbia and online to get acquainted and to map plans for the coming three years. The meeting, a mix of business and fellowship, marked the beginning of a new chapter in the 27-year-old organization’s history.
Brandon Upson, the Network’s interim executive director, said the retreat “was inspiring. I’ve never seen a group with the diversity we have work so seamlessly together. We pushed each other to think bigger, and came out with a very clear direction of where we’re going next.”
Outgoing Executive Director Brett Bursey said, “Our transition has been slow and deliberate because we wanted to do it right rather than right now. We worked hard to update our 25-year-old bylaws and to tap new leaders to take the Network to the next level. The payoff of that process was evident on Saturday.”
The Network’s staff and boards of our Education Fund and individual members were joined by Rep. Gilda Cobb-Hunter and staff from her emerging Gilda Cobb-Hunter Center for Civic Engagement and Leadership, as well as organizers from the Union of Southern Service Workers and Campus Workers United. These organizations are collaborating to expand the capacity and maximize the reach of the Missing Voter Project, the program the Network launched in 2004 targeting key communities with unique messaging and data specific to neighborhoods across South Carolina.
“I was pleased to see such a strong presence from the labor movement as well as elected officials and freedom fighters from different parts of the state,” said Mary Geren, who is spearheading fundraising for the Network. “It was awesome to see and feel the enthusiasm in the room for this next chapter of the SCPN’s mission to promote social justice in every corner of South Carolina! The work won’t be easy, but with such a talented and dedicated team, it is achievable.”
The afternoon was spent brainstorming, setting timelines, defining priorities, and outlining strategies to expand funding and membership. Business included confirming five new members to the board: Anson Foster, Jeanne Hammock, Chris Salley, Allison Terracio, and Lee Turner. We also welcomed Fellows Kwalee Bryant and Charlotte Martin, recent graduates from a three-month training with the USSW. You can see full list of board, staff, and advisors on our web site.
After the meeting wrapped, everyone was invited to share a meal prepared with love by Columbia chef and Network member Joe Turkaly.
Some of the Network’s more seasoned board members are relieved to see the forward momentum after building renovations and pandemic restrictions put our work on pause for several years. Treasurer Shannon Sylvester — who most of our members know as Shannon Herin, but who just recently married fellow Modjeska Simkins School graduate Richard Sylvester —left the meeting excited and hopeful. “It was inspirational. There were lots of energized, new faces. Like, wow! I felt like I visited the future.”
Limited in-person seating at GROW, 1340 Elmwood Ave. in Columbia.Register HERE to join on Zoom.
Join the SC Progressive Policy Institute on Sunday, Nov. 5, 6-7pm in-person and on Zoom, as SC ethics watchdog Dr. John Crangle connects the facts in an explosive case of corruption in all three branches of state government.
Crangle filed
a lawsuit in 2021 charging state Attorney General Alan Wilson with illegally
and unilaterally awarding $75 million dollars of a $600 million class action
settlement to two small law firms in Columbia. Crangle asserts that the amount
was grossly excessive and should have been for actual work rather than a
percentage of the award.
Wilson
hired Columbia-based Willoughby law firm to help represent the state against the
US Dept. of Energy for violating an agreement to remove tons of plutonium from America’s
Bomb Plant in Aiken. The Willoughby law firm is represented by Democratic Minority Leader Rep. Todd Rutherford.
After filing the case, Crangle went before Circuit Judge Alison
Lee to prevent the funds from being transferred prior to determining the
legality of the fee. AG Wilson ordered the State Treasurer’s Office to send an
expedited $75 million wire transfer to the Willoughby law firm the day before
the hearing. The judge denied the request for a temporary injunction, and the
money remains publicly unaccounted for.
The AG’s
lawyers and Rutherford, representing the law firms who were to receive the fee,
then went court to argue that Crangle did not have standing to sue the Attorney
General. Judge R. Kirk Griffin agreed, and dismissed the case. Crangle appealed
to the State Supreme Court, which agreed the case should be heard and sent it
back to Circuit Court for a hearing on the merits. It was assigned to Circuit Judge Daniel McLeod Coble, son of
former Columbia mayor Bob Coble and grandson the late state Attorney General
Dan McLeod.
On Oct. 12, John Monk, the only reporter following this
case, wrote in The State, “the Justices ruled
that Crangle had raised a substantial question of public interest about the
attorney general’s authority to award legal fees and were therefore entitled to
sue Wilson and the law firms. Moreover, Wilson had five other outstanding fee
agreements, so the same controversy might arise in the future, justices said.”
On Oct. 24, after hearing arguments from Rutherford,
Judge Coble ruled that in spite of being ordered by the State Supreme Court to
hold a hearing for Crangle to argue the merits of his case, Crangle did not have the standing to allow
him to challenge the Attorney General’s decision. Coble went so far as
to scold the justices for presuming their authority to overrule the executive
branch on the matter.
Crangle has appealed Coble’s decision not to allow
the case to proceed to the Supreme Court.
Informed observers predict the Supreme Court will again side with Crangle, but
not before the Nov. 6 hearing of the Judicial Merit Selection Commission on the
re-election of Coble to the uncontested seat for a full six-year term.
Crangle is
quick to point out that the attorneys signed up by the Attorney General are not
at fault for accepting these jobs. It is Crangle’s contention that AG Wilson is
violating his public trust in selecting private attorneys, paid with large
contingency fees with funds that should be sent to the state’s general fund and
allocated by the General Assembly. It is also apparent that the Justices share
Crangle’s concerns.
Crangle
says the case is a glaring example of corruption and collusion that needs to be
rooted out, warning, “Attorney General Wilson’s selection of political
heavyweights of both political parties to receive potentially millions of
dollars gives the appearance that he is investing the peoples’ money in his
upcoming campaign for governor.”
•••
The
most immediate chapter of this slow-moving, high-stakes, scandal comes with Rutherford’s upcoming Nov. 6 vote on the
re-election of Judge Cobleto his first six-year term.
On Oct.
21, Rutherford’s practice of law, in front of judges he elects, prompted nine of the state’s 16 Judicial District
Solicitorsto petition House and Senate leaders to remove
Rutherford from the Judicial Merit Selection Commission. In fact, a majority of
the state’s elected criminal prosecutors based their request on a “pattern” of
Rutherford “obtaining unprecedented,
and in some instances patently
unlawful, outcomes in criminal matters.”
Lawyer-legislators
representing clients before judges they elect is unique to South Carolina and Virginia,the only states that
allow the practice.
Class action lawsuits in the works that Wilson has chosen both Republican and Democratic power brokers to receive fees includes:
• Purdue Pharma for damages from opioid addiction: Former Democratic Senator Marlon Kimpson with the powerful Motley Rice law firm resigned his senate seat in March to take a job with the Biden Administration. Former Republican Senator Paul Thurmond, youngest son of the late Sen. Strom Thurmond, former Democratic Representative and gubernatorial candidate James Smith
• Pharmacy Benefit Managers for
manipulating prices and access to prescription drugs: Speaker of the SC House of Representatives, Murrell Smith
• Insulin Manufacturers
for manipulating prices of insulin: Speaker of the SC House of Representatives, Murrell Smith, and former
Chair of the State Republican Party John
Simmons.
• Google Advertising Technology: The Chicago law firm that filed the
initial suit against
Google was quickly joined by two
national class action firms in New Orleans and Houston and two days
later by Former SC Republican Attorney
General Charlie Condon.
• Numerous giant chemical companies making “forever chemicals”: Former SC
Democratic Senator and gubernatorial candidate Vincent Sheheen
• • •
Links to
John Monk’s coverage of Crangle’s attempts to expose and stop the Attorney
General’s political slush fund:
Well-known Columbia lawyer likely winner in race to replace SC Judge
Casey Manning BY JOHN MONK UPDATED JANUARY 28, 2022 8:13 PM
The SC Progressive Network is pleased to welcome Brandon Upson as our new interim Executive Director. The Aiken native has a wealth of experience in South Carolina politics and grass roots organizing, and is uniquely positioned to expand our reach and maximize our capacity.
Upson will oversee the political education arm of the Network’s portfolio, with a special focus on the nonpartisan Missing Voter Project‘s work with under-represented communities.
“I’m really
excited about where we are, and in the possibilities of where we can go.” Upson
said. “I want to move the Network forward and upward without losing the
identity and the spirit of the organization.”
Brandon Upson (right) and Brett Bursey at October board meeting in Columbia.
Brett Bursey, who has served as Executive Director since co-founding the Network in 1996, will focus on research and policy work, as well as manage the Modjeska Simkins School, the Network’s leadership institute.
“Brandon has come to share the vision that has guided my work since I began organizing 55 years ago,” Bursey said. “We’ve taken the time to get to know each other, and I trust that he can take what we’ve built over these many years and take it to the next level.”
Upson
said, “I don’t take this lightly at all. It takes a lot to build an
organization, to put everything you have into that organization — the blood,
sweat, and tears — and then pass it on to the next generation. I join the SC Progressive
Network family with great reverence and excitement. To have the opportunity to
build upon the great work that has helped fuel four decades of the South
Carolina progressive movement is an honor.”
Upson’s 13 years leading electoral campaigns and legislative caucuses brings critical skills to the Network. He knows first-hand how the political system works in South Carolina, how it doesn’t, and what we can do to reform it. He also has plans for finding new revenue streams, using skills he honed while helping raise $2.1 million for nonprofits in the last four years.
Upson’s roots in the Palmetto State run eight generations deep. He graduated in 2013 from the College of Charleston, where he met his wife, Monica. They live in Tega Cay with their young children Cossette, Sophie, and Patrick.
Upson is an Army veteran who served in Iraq, where he was awarded a Commendation Medal and was his Company’s Soldier of the Year in 2006. He was NCO of the Year in 2008.
Upson’s hiring comes after a lengthy transition period during which the staff and board revamped the Network’s 25-year-old bylaws and laid plans for installing new leadership and expanding our staff.
Network Co-chair Marjorie Hammock said Upson’s background and skills make him a great fit for the Network. “I’m very impressed with him,” she said after his recent presentation to the board where he outlined his proposed plans for the coming year. “He seems committed to keeping true to our original mission while bringing new energy and ideas. I am thrilled.”
Brandon and his wife, Monica
Upson’s background will help advance the Network’s anti-partisan, “inside/outside” strategy. Last spring, he ran a spirited campaign for SC Democratic Party Chair, a race he nearly won. (You can watch his convention speech here.) He founded the nonprofit Amplify Action, dedicated to “rebuilding political power within marginalized communities across the South through the voter registration and civic mobilization of Black men.” In 2020, Amplify registered more than 39,000 Black men and mobilized more than 450,000 Black voters in the South to get to the polls. That background will serve our Missing Voter Project well.
Network
board member and union organizer Russell
Bannan has worked closely with Upson on labor-related matters and said, “There
is no better man for this position.”
Upson plans to focus at first on election protection and the Missing Voter Project, which he sees as a long-term engagement process in targeted communities. “Instead of going wide,” Upson said, “we need to go deep.”
Upson promises “big ideas and bold
actions” in the coming year, and invites members and allies to get involved
like never before. “Now is our time to take ownership of our work and advance
our cause. We all know what’s at stake. Let’s do this — together.”
How the fight over unions at the Charleston port affects all South Carolinians
When Gov. Henry McMaster announced that he is suing the International Longshoremen to prevent union labor from running the cranes at the new Leatherman Terminal in Charleston, his perennial assault on South Carolina workers reached a new and a dangerous low.
Photo: SC Ports Authority
Since 2007,
when work began to widen the Panama Canal to handle giant container ships, the
state has approved spending $1 billion to deepen the Charleston harbor, build
the new Leatherman terminal, and lay a rail-line to an inland port.
The Charleston
port is one of the nation’s busiest, holding the U.S. record for exporting cars
and tires, which are made here. It also ranks as one of the country’s most
efficient terminals. With a $63 billion annual impact, the port plays a vital
role in the state’s economy. According to the State Ports Authority, it creates
or supports one in 10 jobs in South Carolina.
If the port is
so critical and is operating so efficiently, why is the governor suing the ILA
in federal court to void its contract with the shipping lines? It defies reason
— unless you throw knee-jerk, anti-union politics into the mix.
A little history.
The longshoremen have run Charleston’s docks since 1869, with the founding of the Longshoremen’s Protective Union Association. In 1936, they joined the International Longshoremen’s Association as ILA Local 1422, now the largest Black union local in the country.
Today, the ILA is
the backbone of Charleston’s Black middle class, with 1,000 active union
members, 5,000 union retirees, and tens of thousands of family members whose
lives for generations have been linked to the historic port.
The global
shipping industry started using Master Contracts in 1957 to standardize the way
ports worked globally. In 1977, the first contract for container shipments was
negotiated. Finally, in 1995, the southern ports with “right to work” laws
signed on, and every port from Maine to Texas agreed to the contractual
relationship between the ILA and the US Maritime Alliance (USMX), which
represents all the shippers and port operators.
Renewal of the
Master Contact of 2022 requires all port terminals to keep ILA’s current jobs,
and ports built after the 2016 contract must conform with the national practice
of using ILA union labor to load and unload container ships. The only new port
is the Leatherman Terminal in Charleston.
While all U.S.
ports are owned by the state where they operate, only three ports use state
employees to load and unload container ships and for other dock work, in Charleston,
Savannah, and Wilmington, NC. The ILA has long done most of the work in these
ports, but a hybrid mix of union and state workers is unique to these states.
The port authorities elsewhere do not operate their ports; they contract out
the dock work to professional organizations with an established relationship with the shipping lines — the ILA on
the Atlantic and Gulf Coast and the International Longshore and Warehouse Union
(ILWU).
These ports,
and the politicians who control them, echo the old South’s anti-union, low-wage
mantra as the way to recruit business. The maritime industry wants to standardize
shipping operations and has committed to seeing new port terminals come in line
with the rest of the ports in the United States and most of the world.
Gov. McMaster’s lawsuit argues that using the ILA to operate the cranes
at the Leatherman Terminal would drive up the cost to the shippers and reduce
the profit margin for the state-owned port. The governor considers the Master
Contract a form of blackmail for forcing the new terminal to use union labor
that will displace the lower-wage state employees. This will reduce the state
ports’ cut of the per-container fee charged the shipper.
The National
Labor Relations Board and the ILA have soundly rejected the governor’s argument
because the ILA works for the shipping lines, not the state, and the governor
can’t dictate who they do business with. Plus, South Carolina’s anti-union law
prohibits the state from sabotaging labor contracts between consenting
employers (shipping lines) and employees (longshoremen).
While the competitive advantage of prohibiting state workers from
bargaining keeps wages down and the state’s profits up, using poorly paid state
workers to compete with private business seems at odds with the Republican idea
of limited government and free markets. Actually, the hybrid operation that the
State Ports Authority is running is very much like the French government
subsidizing Airbus and competing with Boeing. This seems a contradictory and
unprincipled position for a staunchly capitalist governor and his appointed SPA
board.
If the governor
prevents the ILA from running the container cranes now run by state employees,
the Master Contract prohibits the container ships from using the Leatherman
Terminal. The container ships are not using the Leatherman docks now, and if
the court overturns the National Labor Relations Board’s ruling, the Leatherman
terminal won’t be used by the big ships for which it was built. Whatever the
decision, the court’s ruling will be appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court and
will result in at least another year of litigation.
It is also
worth noting that the governor’s
appointees who run the SPA gave over half of the more than $6 million in
bonuses to their white-collar staff in 2021. Larger bonus checks than usual
were from the additional container traffic due to the pandemic, which included
a $336,875 bonus to past-president Jim Newsom,
who left office with $1.1 million. Current president and CEO Barbra Melvin took
home $615,333, which included her $18k country club dues and $11,000 car
allowance. Eleven more executives with annual salaries topping a
quarter-million received five-digit bonuses.
Since state agencies aren’t required to divulge salaries below $50,000,
we can only guess how the remaining bonus money was shared with the SPA hourly
wage earners. The Nerve, a
publication of the conservative SC Policy Council, calculated the median bonus
for wage workers was $2,555, much less than the executive staff’s $7,753 car
allowance.
Let’s be clear.
McMaster’s campaign to bust the ILA is just the latest example of this state’s strategy
to recruit businesses and increase corporate profit by suppressing wages.
During the 1980s, the state Department of Commerce paid to erect posters in
northern airports with the slogan “SC Has No Labor Pains.” The posters featured
a grinning, pregnant-looking man in a hardhat, a crude message to corporate
interests that the Palmetto State’s business-friendly regulations will keep
wages down and profits up.
The governor’s
grandstanding against unions — on our dime, no less — is just the latest
assault on working people. Twenty years ago, the SC legislature supported the
first wave of pre-emptive laws to stop things that weren’t even happening. In
2002, South Carolina was one of five states with no minimum wage. We were the
first to pass a law to prevent local governments from establishing a minimum
wage above the federal minimum, which has been stuck at $7.25 since 2009. In 2012, the same national lobbyists, their
S.C. counterparts, and the legislators they gave campaign donations pushed
legislation through to prohibit local governments from requiring any
employee benefits, such as sick leave, as a condition to get a business
license.
Currently, 179
countries have laws requiring paid sick leave. The United States is not one of
them. In 2017, McMaster signed a law that prohibits even unpaid sick leave or any other employee benefit as a requirement to
do business in South Carolina.
During the
worst phases of the pandemic, when the CDC and DHEC were advising the public to
wear masks, the governor took his cues from the Hospitality and Retail Association
rather than health professionals. He issued an executive order that allowed
business owners to fire employees who wanted to mask up and made them
ineligible for unemployment compensation they had earned. This most certainly
endangered workers, and may have cost lives.
The governor
and his well-organized, low-wage worshipping benefactors have long preyed on
the unorganized workers of South Carolina. If they prevail in their quest to
break one of the nation’s oldest and largest Black unions, the quality of life
for workers here will be poorer, and the value of our lives further cheapened.
Students of the Modjeska Simkins School‘s spring session have been meeting online and in person every Monday and many Sundays since March 5, learning the history they weren’t taught in school and skills for being effective citizens. It’s a real commitment, so we are very proud of the 39 students who made it to graduation on Saturday, July 1.
Thank you to Dr. Robert GreeneII, Brett Bursey, and all our guest speakers for making it such a wonderful session.
We can’t wait to see what the new grads do next. As Ms. Simkins said, “Ladies and gentlemen, this is no sitting down time.”
GROW is swinging with live jazz every 1st and 3rd Thursday 8–10pm, and you are invited!
There is much going on in Columbia on Thursday evenings, but word is getting out and the local band Just Us is cultivating a loyal following.
Musicians are invited to sit in, so every night is a fresh experience. You never know who will take the stage and spice things up.
Grab a friend, or come make some new ones. All are welcome. No cover.
We are gearing up for the spring semester of the Modjeska Simkins School, now in its ninth year, and are so pleased with the quality of appicants to date. Deadline to apply is Feb. 28, with orientation on March 5. Classes are held Monday evenings 6:30 – 8:30 March 6 through June 26 in-person at GROW, 1340 Elmwood Ave., and on Zoom.
This course is led by academics and authors, and seasoned community activists. Additional Sunday programs that are optional for students and open to the public may be added as the semester progresses.
• • •
Dr. Robert Greene II, who teaches history at Claflin University, has served as the Modjeska Simkins School’s lead instructor since 2019. Dr. Greene is book reviews editor and blogger for the Society of U.S. Intellectual Historians. Along with Tyler D. Parry, he is the co-editor of Invisible No More: The African American Experience at the University of South Carolina.
He is working on a book examining the role of Southern African
Americans in the Democratic Party from 1964 through the 1990s. He has
published several articles and book chapters on the intersection of
memory, politics, and African American history, and has written for
numerous popular publications, including The Nation, Oxford American, Dissent, Scalawag, Jacobin, In These Times, Politico, and The Washington Post.
Brett Bursey, executive director of the SC Progressive Network, is a founder of the Modjeska Simkins School. He worked closely with Modjeska Simkins during the last 18 years of her busy life, and has been a full-time social justice organizer for more than 50 years in South Carolina.
Guest speakers for 2023
Dr. Catherine Adams
Dr. Catherine Adams presents on “The Resistance, Rebellions and Repression of Natives and the Enslaved.” Dr. Adams is an Associate Professor at Claflin University and holds a Ph.D. in Afro-American Studies from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Her recent research focuses on Maroonage.
Dr. Millicent Brown
Dr. Millicent Brown, a Senior Research Fellow at Claflin University, will share her experience as the first child to integrate Charleston public schools in 1963. She remains engaged in advocating for education equality.
Dr. Vernon Burton
Dr. Vernon Burton’s book Lincoln’s Unfinished Work is a “thought-provoking exploration of the unfinished work of democracy, particularly as it pertains to the legacy of slavery and white supremacy in America” by LSU Press. Dr. Burton is a Distinguished Professor of History at Clemson University is a prolific author and scholar. His earlier title, The Age of Lincoln, was selected for Book of the Month Club, History Book Club and Military Book Club and was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize. Dr. Burton is nationally respected as a foremost scholar on Lincoln and Ben Tillman.
Cecil Cahoon
Cecil Cahoon is a board member of the SC Progressive Network and a regional organizer for the National Education Association.
Dr. John Crangle teaches history and is a licensed SC attorney. He was involved in Operation Lost Trust in the 1990s, which lead to the revision of the State Ethics Act. Since 1990, Dr. Crangle has been a watchdog for state and local government. He is currently the lead plaintiff in a case against the state attorney general over the award of $75 million in attorney fees from the federal settlement relating to the Savannah River Nuclear site.
Armand Derfner, a graduate of Princeton University and Yale Law School, has been a civil rights lawyer for more than a half century. As part of that work, he helped shape the Voting Rights Act in a series of major Supreme Court cases and in work with Congress to help draft voting rights and other civil rights laws. He is currently Distinguished Scholar in Constitutional Law at the Charleston School of Law. Derfner recently co-authored Justice Deferred with Vernon Burton, which documents racist rulings of the US Supreme Court.
Armand Derfner
Dr. Bobby Donaldson leads the Center for Civil Rights History and Research, housed in the Hollings Special Collections Library. He also serves as the lead scholar for Columbia SC 63: Our Story Matters, a documentary history initiative that chronicles the struggle for civil rights and social justice in Columbia. A team from the Center will present on the modern Civil Rights history of South Carolina.
Dr. Justene Edwards
Dr. Justene Edwards, an associate professor of history at the University of Virginia is a specialist in American Slavery and the History of American Capitalism. She will discuss her recent research and book, Unfree Markets: The Slaves’ Economy and the Rise of Capitalism in South Carolina. Dr. Edwards’ research reveals the development of market capitalism by South Carolina’s colonial slave masters as a means of controlling both the market and the enslaved.
Bill Fletcher Jr.
Bill Fletcher Jr. has been active in workplace and community struggles as well as electoral campaigns. He has worked for several labor unions in addition to serving as a senior staffperson in the national AFL-CIO. Fletcher is the former president of TransAfrica Forum; a Senior Scholar with the Institute for Policy Studies; and in the leadership of several other projects. Fletcher is co-author (with Peter Agard) of The Indispensable Ally: Black Workers and the Formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, 1934-1941; co-author (with Dr. Fernando Gapasin) of Solidarity Divided: The crisis in organized labor and a new path toward social justice; and author of They’re Bankrupting Us – And Twenty other myths about unions. Fletcher is a syndicated columnist and a regular media commentator on television, radio and online.
Dr. Burnette Gallman
Dr. Burnette Gallman,
a Columbia physician and member of the Modjeska Simkins School’s Board
of Directors, shares the highlights of African history before the
Trans-Atlantic slave trade. He has been hosting seminars on African
history for 40 years, and serves on the National Board of the
Association for the Study of Classical African Civilizations.
Dr. Erik Gellman, an Associate Professor of History at UNC Chapel Hill, wrote Death Blow to Jim Crow in 2012, the first book about the Southern Negro Youth Congress.
Dr. Gellman will focus on why the largest most diverse, and FBI
infiltrated human rights conference ever held in the segregated South,
was held in Columbia SC in 1946.
Chris Judge, Assistant Director Native American Studies Center USC Lancaster unpacks the loss of land, life and culture of native people. He is an anthropological archaeologist, and for more than 30 years has been studying Native Americans in South Carolina.
Dr. Ed Madden
Dr. Ed. Madden, who recently served as poet laureate for the City of Columbia, has been a leading organizer for LGBTQ rights, including the successful marriage equality campaign in South Carolina. He is a professor of English, with a focus on Irish literature, at the University of South Carolina. There, he is also director of the women’s and gender studies program. His academic areas of specialization include Irish culture; British and Irish poetry; LGBTQ literature, sexuality studies, and history of sexuality; and creative writing and poetry. In 2019 he was named a Poet Laureate Fellow of the Academy of American Poets and a visiting artist fellow at the Instituto Sacatar in Bahia, Brazil. In 2015, Madden was named Columbia’s first poet laureate, a post he maintains today. Madden has been a South Carolina Academy of Authors Fellow in poetry twice and was South Carolina Arts Commission Prose Fellow in 2011. He has been writer-in-residence at the Riverbanks Botanical Garden and at Fort Moultrie in Charleston as part of the state’s African American Heritage Corridor project. He also was 2006 artist-in-residence for South Carolina State Parks. His numerous publishing and editing credits include four of his own: Nest, Ark, Prodigal: Variations, and Signals, and his chapbook So They Can Sing won the 2016 Robin Becker Chapbook Prize.
Kamau Marcharia
Kamau Marcharia is a longtime South Carolina social justice activist and former council member from Fairfield County. Marcharia was arrested at age 16, and served 11 years of a 50-year sentence for a crime he did not commit.
Lewis Pitts
takes us through the long and frightening evolution of corporations
becoming people. Pitts grew up in SC and spent 40 years as an attorney
for the people before resigning from the legal profession in disgust. He is a founding member of the Project on Corporations Law and Democracy (POCLAD) and is a Modjeska Simkins School graduate.
Rob Richie has led FairVote,
a nonpartisan organization committed to practical voting reforms to
make democracy more functional and representative, since its founding in
1992. He is a frequent national media source and the author of 11 books
on voting reforms.
Dr. Jennifer Taylor,
Assistant Professor of Public History at Duquesne University. Dr.
Taylor earned her Ph.D. at USC and specializes in the tensions involved
in public history commemorations and interpretation. Her recent
scholarship explores the ways in which Reconstruction history has been
contested and commemorated in South Carolina, including how museums can
help the public understand white supremacy and the similarities between
racist militia movements of the Reconstruction era and today’s
insurrectionists.
Dr. Kerry Taylor,
a professor of Labor History at the Citadel, will discuss the state of
organized labor in South Carolina. Dr. Taylor is also a longtime
activist for workers’ rights in Charleston.
Launched in 2015 and named after the famed South Carolina human rights advocate Modjeska Monteith Simkins, the school teaches the true and uncensored history of South Carolina, and provides tools for effective citizenship.
Claflin University assistant professor Dr. Robert Greene II has served
as the Modjeska School’s lead instructor since 2019. “The school continues a long and storied tradition of
linking civics, political action, and life-long learning,” Greene said. “Such a
history does emphasize the nature of oppression in the Palmetto State’s history,
but the school equally teaches the spirit of justice, freedom, and equality
that so many in South Carolina have fought for through the centuries. In an age
like ours where teaching true history is under attack, the Modjeska Simkins
School represents a different path for teaching and learning history.”
Dr. Robert Greene II
Dr. Greene has published more than 350 articles in publications ranging from
the Washington Post to The Nation. Most recently, he
co-edited the book Invisible No More
documenting the experiences of African Americans at USC.
“Dr. Greene has a wealth of
knowledge, but he also has a rare talent for teaching,” said Brett Bursey,
executive director of the SC Progressive Network Education Fund, the school’s
sponsor. “Robert teaches a living history that connects the past with our
present, which is critical to truly understanding current reality and to any
hope of making meaningful change for the collective good.”
Bursey has arranged an impressive line-up of guest teachers this session, maximizing connections he has cultivated with activists, authors, and historians over his 50 years as a South Carolina community organizer. The roster of presenters makes the school a unique experience, one that students cannot get anywhere else.
Dr. Burnette Gallman, who teaches African
history,took the course twice, and is a presenter this session. He
said, “As the lies and the assault on truth continue, the Modjeska School is a
breath of fresh air. It provides a correction of the lies that have been told
in schools for generations, as well as a firewall against the lies being
legislated today. Everyone should take this course.”
The
school has attracted a mix of students of all ages, backgrounds, and
professional experiences. April Lott, president of the Charleston
Central Labor Council, vice-president of the SC AFL-CIO, and president of AFGE,
the regional union for Social Security employees, attended last year’s session.
“The school opened my eyes to my own history here in South Carolina,” she
said. “As a Charleston native, there was so much rich history that I did
not know — the good, the bad, and the bitter ugly. As a union leader and
labor activist, learning these things through the life of Ms. Modjeska not only
inspired me but it gave me validation that I can fight for the working families
of SC. I learned that I will have battles and disappointments but if I
stay strong and hold to my faith, I will endure. I stand on the shoulders of
Ms. Modjeska, and am proud graduate of the Modjeska Simkins School.”
Cecil Cahoon, an education expert and a Modjeska School
graduate, said the school presents the essential foundation for informed
citizenship in South Carolina. “Its content is heavy on documentary evidence of
its peoples’ real history, not the sanitized narratives approved by its ruling
class and textbook adopters for generations. Here, students are introduced to
consequential persons and events that have long been obscured by white
supremacist doctrine but nevertheless shaped today’s South Carolina. Graduates
leave with a better understanding of the state’s present conditions and
challenges, and of how informed citizenship can address systemic injustices to
improve its future.”
Cahoon said, “Only where truth is prized and shared, can there be liberty and justice for all. The Modjeska School is the modern representation of everything that South Carolina’s evolving aristocracy has ever feared and worked to prevent: truth being taught to its citizens.”