A night of purpose, celebration, and unwavering dedication unfolded at GROW in Columbia as the SC Progressive Network held a fundraiser to celebrate its newly appointed Interim Executive Director, Brandon Upson’s, 38th birthday. The event on Friday, Dec. 15, raised an astounding $42,212.

Reflecting on the evening, Upson said, “The Network stands firm as an anti-partisan, no bullshit force, fighting tirelessly for freedom, human rights, social justice, and economic opportunities for every South Carolinian. This accomplishment is a testament to our growing support and our collective commitment to these ideals.

“To lead an organization with such a profound legacy within the progressive movement is a tremendous honor,” Upson said. ‘Yet, this $42,212 raised tonight is merely the start of our journey. There’s much more work ahead.”

The funds raised will fuel the Network’s landmark initiative, the Missing Voter Project. Initiated in 2004, this project engages and empowers young Black voters who are registered to vote but are voting infrequently or not at all. With a goal of reaching more than 150,000 young voters, the Network aims to increase this group’s civic awareness and participation.

Rep. Gilda Cobb-Hunter emphasized the crucial role of the Missing Voter Project. “There is no other initiative in our state doing the strategic work to engage, empower, and motivate young people to vote like the Missing Voters Project,” she said. “There’s no wonder why so many are seeing this initiative as a worthy investment. These organizers are doing the work to save the future of our democracy.”

Outgoing Executive Director and a founder of the Network Brett Bursey said, “I picked up the torch of social justice from Modjeska Simkins in 1974, when she was 75. She was the state’s leading revolutionary, who manifested Dr. King’s call for a ‘radical revolution of values.’ Now I am 75, and am passing the torch to Brandon, knowing that he has deep roots in South Carolina and a strategic understanding of the long road to equality. I look forward to focusing on the Modjeska Simkins School and supporting Brandon as he takes the Network to the next level.”

The Network honors the support, unity, and dedication of its members and supporters who contributed to this monumental achievement. Together, they stand as a beacon of change, driving towards a more inclusive and just society.

More photos in our Flickr photo album.

Brandon Upson, SCPN Executive Director

As the winds of change sweep across South Carolina, we find ourselves at a critical crossroads. The recent surge in local elections of extremist groups like Moms for Liberty has eclipsed the voices of progress, leaving our state fractured and our democracy hanging by a thread. In this landscape, where the once-solid Democratic strongholds of Columbia and Charleston have flipped, and the representation of Black voices dwindles, we must recognize that salvation lies in the hands of the next generation.

Martin Luther King Jr. once said, “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.” His words ring true today as we witness young and minority communities lose faith in the power of their vote. The vibrancy of our democracy hinges on their engagement, yet their disillusionment grows with each passing election cycle.

We have front-row seats to the consequences: the ascent of radical factions within the Republican and Democratic parties has overshadowed common-sense idealism. As the Art of War teaches us, one must understand their adversary to overcome them. Our state’s Democratic Party stands at a critical juncture, wielding influence primarily within its internal echelons rather than resonating powerfully across our state’s broader political landscape.

Partisanship must yield to pragmatic leadership in this pivotal moment as the planet faces existential threats and our freedoms teeter on the edge. The traditional playbook has failed us, and it’s time to rewrite the script. It’s time to listen, truly listen, to the voices of working-class people, the marginalized, and the disenchanted—our missing voters.

The solution lies not in perpetuating the same tired rhetoric but in nurturing a new cohort of leaders—innovators unbound by the constraints of conventionality. South Carolina needs fresh ideas, leaders who can bridge divides, and disruptors who deny the confines of party loyalty for the greater good.

The loss of equal representation across our state, through racial and partisan gerrymandering should serve as a clarion call for change. Disillusioned by being taken for granted, young Black voters seek leaders who authentically champion their causes rather than using them as mere election pawns.

It’s time to rebuild the trust that has been eroded by years of neglect and failed promises. For those of us who have been engaged in grassroots organizing, we’ve heard young voters repeatedly say, “My vote doesn’t count.” And to this point, in too many cases, they are absolutely correct. Especially when we see years of racist redistricting tactics used to weaken the value of a Black vote to 3/5 of that of a white vote in our state. If we are going to rekindle the belief in the power of the vote, we must start by making the vote of young Black and African Americans truly matter — and we have a plan for that.

As the new South Carolina Progressive Network Executive Director, I stand committed to this cause. We must orchestrate an organized effort emboldened by passion and driven by purpose to empower and motivate the youth. It’s not just about winning elections; it’s about reinvigorating democracy from its very roots.

Together, we can reclaim South Carolina, not through the lens of political parties but through the unity of purpose. It’s not just a battle for votes; it’s a fight for the soul of our state. Let us march forward, not in the shadows of complacency but in the light of resilience and determination.

The time for change is now.

On Saturday, the Network’s board and key allies met in Columbia and online to get acquainted and to map plans for the coming three years. The meeting, a mix of business and fellowship, marked the beginning of a new chapter in the 27-year-old organization’s history.

Brandon Upson, the Network’s interim executive director, said the retreat “was inspiring. I’ve never seen a group with the diversity we have work so seamlessly together. We pushed each other to think bigger, and came out with a very clear direction of where we’re going next.” 

Outgoing Executive Director Brett Bursey said, “Our transition has been slow and deliberate because we wanted to do it right rather than right now. We worked hard to update our 25-year-old bylaws and to tap new leaders to take the Network to the next level. The payoff of that process was evident on Saturday.”

The Network’s staff and boards of our Education Fund and individual members were joined by Rep. Gilda Cobb-Hunter and staff from her emerging Gilda Cobb-Hunter Center for Civic Engagement and Leadership, as well as organizers from the Union of Southern Service Workers and Campus Workers United. These organizations are collaborating to expand the capacity and maximize the reach of the Missing Voter Project, the program the Network launched in 2004 targeting key communities with unique messaging and data specific to neighborhoods across South Carolina.

“I was pleased to see such a strong presence from the labor movement as well as elected officials and freedom fighters from different parts of the state,” said Mary Geren, who is spearheading fundraising for the Network. “It was awesome to see and feel the enthusiasm in the room for this next chapter of the SCPN’s mission to promote social justice in every corner of South Carolina! The work won’t be easy, but with such a talented and dedicated team, it is achievable.”

The afternoon was spent brainstorming, setting timelines, defining priorities, and outlining strategies to expand funding and membership. Business included confirming five new members to the board: Anson Foster, Jeanne Hammock, Chris Salley, Allison Terracio, and Lee Turner. We also welcomed Fellows Kwalee Bryant and Charlotte Martin, recent graduates from a three-month training with the USSW. You can see full list of board, staff, and advisors on our web site.

After the meeting wrapped, everyone was invited to share a meal prepared with love by Columbia chef and Network member Joe Turkaly.

Some of the Network’s more seasoned board members are relieved to see the forward momentum after building renovations and pandemic restrictions put our work on pause for several years. Treasurer Shannon Sylvester — who most of our members know as Shannon Herin, but who just recently married fellow Modjeska Simkins School graduate Richard Sylvester —left the meeting excited and hopeful. “It was inspirational. There were lots of energized, new faces. Like, wow! I felt like I visited the future.”

The SC Progressive Network is pleased to welcome Brandon Upson as our new interim Executive Director. The Aiken native has a wealth of experience in South Carolina politics and grass roots organizing, and is uniquely positioned to expand our reach and maximize our capacity.

Upson will oversee the political education arm of the Network’s portfolio, with a special focus on the nonpartisan Missing Voter Project‘s work with under-represented communities.

“I’m really excited about where we are, and in the possibilities of where we can go.” Upson said. “I want to move the Network forward and upward without losing the identity and the spirit of the organization.”

Brett Bursey, who has served as Executive Director since co-founding the Network in 1996, will focus on research and policy work, as well as manage the Modjeska Simkins School, the Network’s leadership institute.

“Brandon has come to share the vision that has guided my work since I began organizing 55 years ago,” Bursey said. “We’ve taken the time to get to know each other, and I trust that he can take what we’ve built over these many years and take it to the next level.”

Upson said, “I don’t take this lightly at all. It takes a lot to build an organization, to put everything you have into that organization — the blood, sweat, and tears — and then pass it on to the next generation. I join the SC Progressive Network family with great reverence and excitement. To have the opportunity to build upon the great work that has helped fuel four decades of the South Carolina progressive movement is an honor.”

Upson’s 13 years leading electoral campaigns and legislative caucuses brings critical skills to the Network. He knows first-hand how the political system works in South Carolina, how it doesn’t, and what we can do to reform it. He also has plans for finding new revenue streams, using skills he honed while helping raise $2.1 million for nonprofits in the last four years.

Upson’s roots in the Palmetto State run eight generations deep. He graduated in 2013 from the College of Charleston, where he met his wife, Monica. They live in Tega Cay with their young children Cossette, Sophie, and Patrick.

Upson is an Army veteran who served in Iraq, where he was awarded a Commendation Medal and was his Company’s Soldier of the Year in 2006. He was NCO of the Year in 2008.

Upson’s hiring comes after a lengthy transition period during which the staff and board revamped the Network’s 25-year-old bylaws and laid plans for installing new leadership and expanding our staff.

Network Co-chair Marjorie Hammock said Upson’s background and skills make him a great fit for the Network. “I’m very impressed with him,” she said after his recent presentation to the board where he outlined his proposed plans for the coming year. “He seems committed to keeping true to our original mission while bringing new energy and ideas. I am thrilled.”

Upson’s background will help advance the Network’s anti-partisan, “inside/outside” strategy. Last spring, he ran a spirited campaign for SC Democratic Party Chair, a race he nearly won. (You can watch his convention speech here.) He founded the nonprofit Amplify Action, dedicated to “rebuilding political power within marginalized communities across the South through the voter registration and civic mobilization of Black men.” In 2020, Amplify registered more than 39,000 Black men and mobilized more than 450,000 Black voters in the South to get to the polls. That background will serve our Missing Voter Project well.

Network board member and union organizer Russell Bannan has worked closely with Upson on labor-related matters and said, “There is no better man for this position.”

Upson plans to focus at first on election protection and the Missing Voter Project, which he sees as a long-term engagement process in targeted communities. “Instead of going wide,” Upson said, “we need to go deep.”

Upson promises “big ideas and bold actions” in the coming year, and invites members and allies to get involved like never before. “Now is our time to take ownership of our work and advance our cause. We all know what’s at stake. Let’s do this — together.”

How the fight over unions at the Charleston port affects all South Carolinians

When Gov. Henry McMaster announced that he is suing the International Longshoremen to prevent union labor from running the cranes at the new Leatherman Terminal in Charleston, his perennial assault on South Carolina workers reached a new and a dangerous low.

Since 2007, when work began to widen the Panama Canal to handle giant container ships, the state has approved spending $1 billion to deepen the Charleston harbor, build the new Leatherman terminal, and lay a rail-line to an inland port.

The Charleston port is one of the nation’s busiest, holding the U.S. record for exporting cars and tires, which are made here. It also ranks as one of the country’s most efficient terminals. With a $63 billion annual impact, the port plays a vital role in the state’s economy. According to the State Ports Authority, it creates or supports one in 10 jobs in South Carolina.

If the port is so critical and is operating so efficiently, why is the governor suing the ILA in federal court to void its contract with the shipping lines? It defies reason — unless you throw knee-jerk, anti-union politics into the mix.

A little history.

The longshoremen have run Charleston’s docks since 1869, with the founding of the Longshoremen’s Protective Union Association. In 1936, they joined the International Longshoremen’s Association as ILA Local 1422, now the largest Black union local in the country.

Today, the ILA is the backbone of Charleston’s Black middle class, with 1,000 active union members, 5,000 union retirees, and tens of thousands of family members whose lives for generations have been linked to the historic port.

The global shipping industry started using Master Contracts in 1957 to standardize the way ports worked globally. In 1977, the first contract for container shipments was negotiated. Finally, in 1995, the southern ports with “right to work” laws signed on, and every port from Maine to Texas agreed to the contractual relationship between the ILA and the US Maritime Alliance (USMX), which represents all the shippers and port operators.

Renewal of the Master Contact of 2022 requires all port terminals to keep ILA’s current jobs, and ports built after the 2016 contract must conform with the national practice of using ILA union labor to load and unload container ships. The only new port is the Leatherman Terminal in Charleston.

While all U.S. ports are owned by the state where they operate, only three ports use state employees to load and unload container ships and for other dock work, in Charleston, Savannah, and Wilmington, NC. The ILA has long done most of the work in these ports, but a hybrid mix of union and state workers is unique to these states. The port authorities elsewhere do not operate their ports; they contract out the dock work to professional organizations with an established relationship with the shipping lines — the ILA on the Atlantic and Gulf Coast and the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU).

These ports, and the politicians who control them, echo the old South’s anti-union, low-wage mantra as the way to recruit business. The maritime industry wants to standardize shipping operations and has committed to seeing new port terminals come in line with the rest of the ports in the United States and most of the world.

Gov. McMaster’s lawsuit argues that using the ILA to operate the cranes at the Leatherman Terminal would drive up the cost to the shippers and reduce the profit margin for the state-owned port. The governor considers the Master Contract a form of blackmail for forcing the new terminal to use union labor that will displace the lower-wage state employees. This will reduce the state ports’ cut of the per-container fee charged the shipper.

The National Labor Relations Board and the ILA have soundly rejected the governor’s argument because the ILA works for the shipping lines, not the state, and the governor can’t dictate who they do business with. Plus, South Carolina’s anti-union law prohibits the state from sabotaging labor contracts between consenting employers (shipping lines) and employees (longshoremen).

While the competitive advantage of prohibiting state workers from bargaining keeps wages down and the state’s profits up, using poorly paid state workers to compete with private business seems at odds with the Republican idea of limited government and free markets. Actually, the hybrid operation that the State Ports Authority is running is very much like the French government subsidizing Airbus and competing with Boeing. This seems a contradictory and unprincipled position for a staunchly capitalist governor and his appointed SPA board.

If the governor prevents the ILA from running the container cranes now run by state employees, the Master Contract prohibits the container ships from using the Leatherman Terminal. The container ships are not using the Leatherman docks now, and if the court overturns the National Labor Relations Board’s ruling, the Leatherman terminal won’t be used by the big ships for which it was built. Whatever the decision, the court’s ruling will be appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court and will result in at least another year of litigation.

It is also worth noting that the governor’s appointees who run the SPA gave over half of the more than $6 million in bonuses to their white-collar staff in 2021. Larger bonus checks than usual were from the additional container traffic due to the pandemic, which included a $336,875 bonus to past-president Jim Newsom, who left office with $1.1 million. Current president and CEO Barbra Melvin took home $615,333, which included her $18k country club dues and $11,000 car allowance. Eleven more executives with annual salaries topping a quarter-million received five-digit bonuses.

Since state agencies aren’t required to divulge salaries below $50,000, we can only guess how the remaining bonus money was shared with the SPA hourly wage earners. The Nerve, a publication of the conservative SC Policy Council, calculated the median bonus for wage workers was $2,555, much less than the executive staff’s $7,753 car allowance.

Let’s be clear. McMaster’s campaign to bust the ILA is just the latest example of this state’s strategy to recruit businesses and increase corporate profit by suppressing wages. During the 1980s, the state Department of Commerce paid to erect posters in northern airports with the slogan “SC Has No Labor Pains.” The posters featured a grinning, pregnant-looking man in a hardhat, a crude message to corporate interests that the Palmetto State’s business-friendly regulations will keep wages down and profits up.

The governor’s grandstanding against unions — on our dime, no less — is just the latest assault on working people. Twenty years ago, the SC legislature supported the first wave of pre-emptive laws to stop things that weren’t even happening. In 2002, South Carolina was one of five states with no minimum wage. We were the first to pass a law to prevent local governments from establishing a minimum wage above the federal minimum, which has been stuck at $7.25 since 2009. In 2012, the same national lobbyists, their S.C. counterparts, and the legislators they gave campaign donations pushed legislation through to prohibit local governments from requiring any employee benefits, such as sick leave, as a condition to get a business license.

Currently, 179 countries have laws requiring paid sick leave. The United States is not one of them. In 2017, McMaster signed a law that prohibits even unpaid sick leave or any other employee benefit as a requirement to do business in South Carolina. 

During the worst phases of the pandemic, when the CDC and DHEC were advising the public to wear masks, the governor took his cues from the Hospitality and Retail Association rather than health professionals. He issued an executive order that allowed business owners to fire employees who wanted to mask up and made them ineligible for unemployment compensation they had earned. This most certainly endangered workers, and may have cost lives.

The governor and his well-organized, low-wage worshipping benefactors have long preyed on the unorganized workers of South Carolina. If they prevail in their quest to break one of the nation’s oldest and largest Black unions, the quality of life for workers here will be poorer, and the value of our lives further cheapened.

If the governor wins, we all lose.